Friday, October 3, 2008

JAMES TARANTO ON THE DEBATE


As for the debate, it seemed to us that the more experienced candidate won by a mile. That, of course, would be Sarah Palin.

Yes, we know--Biden has been in the Senate since Palin was like in second grade. But Palin has Biden beat in terms of the kind of experience that was pertinent last night.

Joe Biden won his first Senate term in 1972, as the Almanac of American Politics recounts:

He ran for the Senate against a popular incumbent, Republican J. Caleb Boggs, portraying himself as a young, energetic alternative to Boggs with an ability to connect with voters. He ended up winning by just a little over 3,000 votes.

Since then, however, he has had essentially a safe seat. He was easily re-elected in 1978, 1984, 1990, 1996 and 2002, always getting at least 58% of the vote. He is expected to cruise to re-election a month from tomorrow, giving him something to fall back on in case that Obama opportunity doesn't work out.

All this is to say that Biden has not faced a seriously contested election in more than one-third of a century. (His 1988 and 2008 bids for the Democratic presidential nomination do not count, for the opposite reason: He was not a serious contender.)

Contrast that with Palin. In 1996, when Biden was seeking like his fifth term, she was a 32-year-old city councilman. She took on the incumbent mayor and won. A decade later, she challenged a sitting governor, a man who had held statewide office for 26 years, and beat him soundly in her own party's primary. Then she defeated a popular Democratic former governor in the general election.

True, Alaska is a small state. But Joe Biden has spent 36 years as a creature of the Senate, a body whose population is only 1/6,835th as large as that of the Last Frontier (or 1/6,767th as large if you include the vice president). She is used to communicating with voters. He is used to communicating with colleagues. Last night, the difference was manifest.

Let's go to the transcript and look at what for us was the most glaring example, their exchange on Iraq. Here is Palin:

I know that the other ticket opposed this surge, in fact, even opposed funding for our troops in Iraq and Afghanistan. Barack Obama voted against funding troops there after promising that he would not do so.
And Sen. Biden, I respected you when you called him out on that. You said that his vote was political and you said it would cost lives. And Barack Obama at first said he would not do that. He turned around under political pressure and he voted against funding the troops.

Here is Biden, answering her in Senate-ese:

John McCain voted to cut off funding for the troops. Let me say that again. John McCain voted against an amendment containing $1 billion, $600 million that I had gotten to get MRAPs, those things that are protecting the governor's son and pray God my son and a lot of other sons and daughters.
He voted against it. He voted against funding because he said the amendment had a time line in it to end this war.

The acronym MRAP, for Mine Resistant Armor Protected, refers to a type of armored vehicle. Biden's amendment appropriating $1.5 billion to buy MRAPs for the Marine Corps passed the Senate March 29, 2007, by a vote of 98-0. McCain was one of the 98 "aye" votes.

So what's Biden talking about? Who knows? Possibly there was some other vote on a version of this amendment that included both the MRAP appropriation and a "timetable" (or, as Palin aptly termed it, the "white flag of surrender"). Or maybe Biden construed McCain's vote against a measure providing for troop funding and surrender to be a vote against funding the troops.

In any case, Biden's claim that "John McCain voted to cut off funding for the troops" is at best too clever by half. It makes sense--if at all--only to those steeped in the minutiae of the legislative process. On its face, and in terms of real substance, it is a preposterous claim.

(We should note here that in last week's presidential debate, McCain lapsed into Senate-ese at times as well. It's not as much of a problem for him as it is for Biden, but it does put him at somewhat of a disadvantage against Obama, who is far less deeply immersed in the Senate's culture.)

Biden often was a joy to watch, especially on the split screen when Palin was twisting the knife. Much of the time he came across as frustrated and angry, as if it was beneath his dignity--he, a 36-year veteran of the World's Greatest Deliberative Body--to share a stage with this . . . this . . . girl! But frequently when she got in a good gibe, he would smile broadly. It was as if he couldn't help but appreciate her show of political talent, even though it was at his expense.

One moment that was both touching and odd came toward the end of the debate, when Biden mentioned a personal tragedy--a traffic accident that devastated his family just weeks after his election to the Senate:

I understand what it's like to be a single parent. When my wife and daughter died and my two sons were gravely injured, I understand what it's like as a parent to wonder what it's like if your kid's going to make it.

Then he noted that he is well off today and continued:

But the notion that somehow, because I'm a man, I don't know what it's like to raise two kids alone, I don't know what it's like to have a child you're not sure is going to--is going to make it--I understand.

His voice cracked a bit as he said this; we thought he actually might start to cry. It was a moment of genuine emotion, but it was also, as we said, odd, for this reason: No one during the debate had said he didn't understand "because he's a man." We don't remember anyone saying it in any other setting either. The mere fact of Palin's sex seems to have put Biden on the defensive.

Meet With Him Anon
One of the most heated disputes in the debate concerned Barack Obama's attitude toward Iran. Here are the candidates' claims:

Palin: Ahmadinejad, Kim Jong Il, the Castro brothers, others who are dangerous dictators are ones that Barack Obama has said he would be willing to meet with without preconditions being met first.
And an issue like that taken up by a presidential candidate goes beyond naiveté and goes beyond poor judgment. A statement that he made like that is downright dangerous because leaders like Ahmadinejad who would seek to acquire nuclear weapons and wipe off the face of the earth an ally like we have in Israel should not be met with without preconditions and diplomatic efforts being undertaken first. . . .
Biden: Can I clarify this? This is simply not true about Barack Obama. He did not say sit down with Ahmadinejad.
The fact of the matter is, it surprises me that Sen. McCain doesn't realize that Ahmadinejad does not control the security apparatus in Iran. The theocracy controls the security apparatus, No. 1.

Who's right? Let's go to the videotape and the transcript. At issue is Obama's response to a question asked by a man named Stephen during the July 2007 CNN/YouTube debate:

Stephen: In 1982, Anwar Sadat traveled to Israel, a trip that resulted in a peace agreement that has lasted ever since.
In the spirit of that type of bold leadership, would you be willing to meet separately, without precondition, during the first year of your administration, in Washington or anywhere else, with the leaders of Iran, Syria, Venezuela, Cuba and North Korea, in order to bridge the gap that divides our countries? . . .
Obama: I would. And the reason is this, that the notion that somehow not talking to countries is punishment to them--which has been the guiding diplomatic principle of this administration--is ridiculous.
Now, Ronald Reagan and Democratic presidents like JFK constantly spoke to Soviet Union at a time when Ronald Reagan called them an evil empire. And the reason is because they understood that we may not trust them and they may pose an extraordinary danger to this country, but we had the obligation to find areas where we can potentially move forward.
And I think that it is a disgrace that we have not spoken to them. We've been talking about Iraq--one of the first things that I would do in terms of moving a diplomatic effort in the region forward is to send a signal that we need to talk to Iran and Syria because they're going to have responsibilities if Iraq collapses.
They have been acting irresponsibly up until this point. But if we tell them that we are not going to be a permanent occupying force, we are in a position to say that they are going to have to carry some weight, in terms of stabilizing the region.

It seems Biden is right on the very narrow factual point: Obama did not specify Ahmadinejad as the Iranian "leader" with whom he would meet. But Palin's broader critique of Obama is quite on target: Whichever Iranian Obama had in mind, it was both naive and dangerous for him to advocate allowing Iraq to collapse and then expecting Iran and Syria to behave "responsibly."

Biden himself agreed with Palin back in 2007, as National Review's Byron York reported:

Biden, who has emerged as the clear-eyed antiwar realist in the Democratic race, told National Review Online that the idea of a president meeting with Ahmadinejad, Chavez, and others was "naïve." "World leaders should not meet with other world leaders unless they know what the agenda is, so you don't end up being used," Biden said.

Since Biden and Obama have made much of the fact that Ahmadinejad is but a figurehead, it might be nice if someone would ask Obama if his willingness to meet without preconditions extends to Ayatollah Ali Khameini, Iran's "supreme leader."

Marry, Marry, Quite Contrary
Did Joe Biden endorse same-sex marriage last night? At first we thought so:

Ifill: Do you support, as they do in Alaska, granting same-sex benefits to couples?
Biden: Absolutely. Do I support granting same-sex benefits? Absolutely positively. Look, in an Obama-Biden administration, there will be absolutely no distinction from a constitutional standpoint or a legal standpoint between a same-sex and a heterosexual couple.
The fact of the matter is that under the Constitution we should be granted--same-sex couples should be able to have visitation rights in the hospitals, joint ownership of property, life insurance policies, et cetera. That's only fair.
It's what the Constitution calls for. And so we do support it. We do support making sure that committed couples in a same-sex marriage are guaranteed the same constitutional benefits as it relates to their property rights, their rights of visitation, their rights to insurance, their rights of ownership as heterosexual couples do.

Palin also supported benefits for gay couples, but drew a clear line:

Ifill: Governor, would you support expanding that beyond Alaska to the rest of the nation?
Palin: Well, not if it goes closer and closer towards redefining the traditional definition of marriage between one man and one woman. And unfortunately that's sometimes where those steps lead.
But I also want to clarify, if there's any kind of suggestion at all from my answer that I would be anything but tolerant of adults in America choosing their partners, choosing relationships that they deem best for themselves, you know, I am tolerant and I have a very diverse family and group of friends and even within that group you would see some who may not agree with me on this issue, some very dear friends who don't agree with me on this issue.
But in that tolerance also, no one would ever propose, not in a McCain-Palin administration, to do anything to prohibit, say, visitations in a hospital or contracts being signed, negotiated between parties.
But I will tell Americans straight up that I don't support defining marriage as anything but between one man and one woman, and I think through nuances we can go round and round about what that actually means.
But I'm being as straight up with Americans as I can in my nonsupport for anything but a traditional definition of marriage.

Then Ifill gave Biden a chance to recover from his apparent misstatement:

Ifill: Let's try to avoid nuance, Senator. Do you support gay marriage?
Biden: No. Barack Obama nor I support redefining from a civil side what constitutes marriage. We do not support that. That is basically the decision to be able to be able to be left to faiths and people who practice their faiths the determination what you call it.

Both Palin and Biden ostensibly ended up taking essentially the same position: no to same-sex marriage, yes to tolerance and accommodation. Yet one suspects that there is actually a world of difference between the two.

Burr, It's Cold in Here
Ifill asked one obscure but intellectually fascinating question: whether Palin and Biden agree with Vice President Dick Cheney's view that the vice president, because of his role as president of the Senate, is an officer of the legislative as well as the executive branch.

Neither Palin nor Biden is a constitutional scholar, so neither had anything terribly interesting to say about the subject. (Biden tried to fake his way through it and ended up mixing up Articles 1 and 2 of the Constitution.)

But Biden began his answer with a hilarious bit of hyperbole:

Vice President Cheney has been the most dangerous vice president we've had probably in American history.

Something tells us Alexander Hamilton would disagree.

WHO BELONGS TO THE "MIDDLE CLASS"


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All four candidates in the presidential and vice-presidential campaign speak constantly about what they will do for the middle class of America. Judging from the disparity of their programs of taxation and tax relief for the middle class it is difficult to know if they really know who belongs to the economic middle class in the United States.

It appears that perhaps only Sarah Palin knows anything about the problems of the economic middle class judging from the tax returns and financial statements which all four candidates have filed.

Of particular interest is the contrast between the charitable contributions of wealthy Barack Hussein Obama and wealthy Joe Biden and middle class Sarah Palin.
Read on:



Palin Is Lowest Earner of the Candidates

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL

October 4, 2008

Republican vice presidential nominee Sarah Palin released her tax returns and personal financial disclosure report Friday, showing her to be the lowest earner of the four national candidates.


Gov. Palin and her husband, Todd, an oil-field worker and small-businessman, had a combined adjusted gross income of $166,000 in 2007, up from $128,000 in 2006, the tax returns show.


The Alaska governor's financial information was released a day after a debate with Democratic vice presidential nominee Sen. Joe Biden in which Gov. Palin repeatedly identified herself as middle class.


Republican presidential candidate John McCain paid more for household help last year—$270,000—than his running mate and her husband earned. Sen. McCain reported $852,000 in household income in 2007. His wife, Cindy, an heiress to a beer distributorship fortune, files her tax returns separately. Her returns showed $6 million of income in 2006.


Democratic nominee Sen. Barack Obama, and his wife, Michelle, reported income of $4.2 million last year, according to tax returns released earlier this year. Their income included $3.9 million from book royalties.


Sen. Biden and his wife, Jill, reported $320,000 in adjusted gross income last year. Their tax returns, released earlier this year, were notable for how little they gave to charity: $995, or less than 1% of their income.


The Palins gave somewhat more: $3,325 last year, including items donated to the Salvation Army, or 1.5% of their adjusted gross income.


Sarah Palin is the breadwinner of the family, the documents show. Last year as Alaska governor she earned $122,000 in the "Medicare wages" field of her W-2 form, while Todd Palin earned $46,600 as an employee of BP Exploration Alaska Inc.


Todd Palin also reported a net profit of $15,500 from a commercial fishing business. But the champion snow-machine racer reported a loss of nearly $10,000 from his racing venture.


As citizens of Alaska, the Palin family and their children are eligible for dividends from the state from energy revenues. Gov. Palin reported on her financial disclosure form that those dividends were worth between $10,000 and $30,000 to her family for last year and 2008.


The Palin's largest asset is their home in Wasilla, Alaska, valued at between $500,000 and $1 million. They own a fishing leasehold on the Nushagak River in Alaska worth between $100,000 and $250,000, and various mutual funds and stocks worth between $113,000 and $470,000. The form requires disclosure of asset values in broad ranges.

Write to Mary Jacoby at mary.jacoby@wsj.com

THE WOMAN BEHIND "AN AMERICAN CAROL"

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Special Report

The Woman Behind "An American Carol"


Published 10/3/2008 12:08:42 AM The American Spectator

If you couldn't stomach the thought of seeing Robert Redford's Lions for Lambs or Brian De Palma's Redacted, consider treating yourself to An American Carol, which opens in movie theaters today. This gutsy satire by David Zucker challenges Michael Moore, Rosie O'Donnell, Barack Obama, the ACLU, the Recreate '68 movement, the Hollywood establishment and even jihadists, but that's not the half of it. After all, this Zucker comedy was sophisticated by Republican Myrna Sokoloff.

How did this Republican woman become a screenwriter and executive producer in Hollywood? Well, that was not so easy.

Myrna Sokoloff comes from a conservative Republican family in Connecticut. Yet when she moved to New York City and took a political job during Mayor Ed Koch's administration, she found a one-party system as she represented Manhattan Borough President Andrew Stein in real estate development to the Jewish community.

In 1986, Sokoloff worked on ABC's star-studded July 4 TV special Liberty Weekend and wanted to switch her career, so the producers told her that she should move to L.A. There, Sokoloff sometimes reverted to politics, such as working on Jerry Brown's 1992 presidential campaign and as a staffer for Senator Barbara Boxer.

Sokoloff was a Democrat because she thought the DNC represented the downtrodden and the poor, especially women. "However," she said, "as time went on, it seemed to me that the only [women's] issue became abortion." Sokoloff deeply loves her family, especially her 17 nieces and nephews. Therefore, she became disturbed that Democrats and liberal women's groups belittle moms who stay home to raise their families.

As President Bill Clinton was being impeached, Sokoloff suffered another rude awakening. "I became incensed," she stressed. "If a Republican president had done what he did, the women's groups would be out there protesting and saying he had victimized a young woman -- but it was all about being Democrat."

Shunned by the liberal sisterhood for her insights, suddenly Sokoloff was lonely. In solitude, she began listening to Rush Limbaugh because he made her laugh. Indeed, reality was over the top, so why not try to cure certain ills with comedy?

By 2004, the master of questionable taste and former Hollywood Democrat David Zucker befriended Sokoloff through the Republican Jewish Coalition. (Zucker's long list of hits includes Airplane!, all three Naked Gun flicks, Ruthless People, and Scary Movie 3 and 4.) Appalled by the far-left reaction to the September 11, 2001 attacks on America, he and Sokoloff produced political TV spots, starting with the Club for Growth's "Kerry Flip-Flop."

Over the course of four years, Sokoloff and Zucker then wrote An American Carol with liberal Lewis Friedman, who was "willing to sell his soul" for longtime friend David.

An American Carol is loosely -- and they mean loosely -- based on the Dickens masterpiece A Christmas Carol. As Grandpa (Leslie Neilsen) celebrates Independence Day, his grandchildren plead for a patriotic story. Grandpa takes them to MooveAlong.org's annual Hollywood extravaganza, where indie filmmaker Michael Malone (Kevin Farley) is awarded for his boisterous ode to Cuba's commie "health care," but depressed because Die, You American Pigs! is a box-office bomb. Consequently, Malone cannot finance his feature debut, Fascist America, or muster much enthusiasm for his latest cause celebre to abolish the Fourth of July tradition. When a terrorist cell leader and his sidekicks (take that literally) come upon Malone, whose America-bashing documentaries are intensely popular in the Middle East, they see him as Allah-sent and tempt him with $10 million to make their next suicide-bomber recruitment video.

After Malone refuses to attend his nephew Josh's (Travis Schuldt) July 4 family picnic, the ghosts of JFK (Chriss Anglin), General George Patton (Kelsey Grammer), George Washington (Jon Voight) and the Angel of Death (Trace Adkins) offer him redemption.

Most scenes are fearlessly funny slaps at leftwing and jihadist lunacy, but they are cringe-free laughs because providence protects the open-souled. Still, two of Sokoloff's favorite parts are seriously personal.

For example, Malone's nephew is a Navy officer scheduled for Iraq and that character was inspired by Sokoloff's own nephew, Josh. "I went to the real Josh's graduation for boot camp in Great Lakes, Illinois and there were 700 young people graduating, all standing in their white uniforms, and it was so inspiring," she recalled. "The commander who was welcoming them said, 'You are sailors now. You are all sailors in the most powerful navy in the history of the world and we are the only thing that stands between the terrorists and our families and our friends.' It just sent goose bumps all over me!"

In the movie, Malone sees his nephew depart for combat. Sokoloff wrote that scene to honor all American military families. The day after Zucker cut the scene, he told Solokoff that it choked him up because the character Josh represents everything good about America. I never expected to fight tears during a Zucker comedy, but Sokoloff got me too.

There is also the matter (or should I say immaterial?) of faith in An American Carol. Sokoloff earned her degree in religion and philosophy at Boston University. "And," she said, "I also have a master's degree in Jewish education from Hebrew Union College's Jewish Institute of Religion in New York. So there's a whole other part of me that you didn't know about."

Thus, another one of her favorite scenes is Michael Malone's encounter with George Washington, who tells him, "When you meet the Almighty, only truth will do."

"We always had the whole scene in there," said Sokoloff. "It's a serious scene, there's no way around it and David always had a problem with having this serious scene in a comedy. So we agonized over how to make it work. Actually, Jon Voight loved the scene and he added his own lines -- the ones about freedom of speech and religion. When Washington takes Malone to St. Paul's Chapel, it sets up Malone for the fact that he will face his own death... And unless you believe in your own death, you have no chance of redeeming yourself."

I have a few reservations about An American Carol, most importantly the point where the ghost of Patton tells Malone that we have to give up some freedom for safety. I discussed this with Sokoloff, explaining that various acts of Congress and executive orders unconstitutionally license the U.S. government to invade our privacy, and arrest and prosecute individuals without cause. Related creepy developments include widespread video cameras and airport photo scanners that penetrate travelers' clothing.

[The American Spectator]

THE SOUND OF GRINDING TEETH

The sound you hear is the grinding teeth

of Sarah Palin's media critics after her debate last night with Joe Biden.


Not that Mr. Biden was trounced by the ingénue governor. A master of Beltwayspeak and talking points, he effectively presented his case for change. But on style he couldn't possibly compete with the effervescent Mrs. Palin and he knew it. He heightened the contrast between his somber self and her Happy Warrior personality by bringing up "my 35 years of service in public office" -- reminding viewers just how much he is part of the Washington that Mrs. Palin railed against last night.


Mrs. Palin clearly enjoyed her second star turn on the national stage. Unlike Mr. Biden, she directly faced the camera and addressed the American people. When telling viewers that she had disagreements with Mr. McCain -- on oil drilling in Alaska, for example -- but would keep working to change his mind, she even allowed herself to wink at her audience. That's the mark of a self-confident pro.

As for her media critics, Mrs. Palin took them on by reminding moderator Gwen Ifill that she would answer the questions the way she wanted to, not the way other people wanted her to. As the debate wrapped up, she thanked its organizers for allowing her to speak directly to the American people without the "filter" of the mainstream media. That was a clever way of deflecting attention from her recent choppy and unfocused interview with CBS's Katie Couric and was a guaranteed crowd pleaser with the conservative base.


Speaking of that base, it's clear Mrs. Palin has a future in the Republican Party -- win or lose this November. Talk show host Michael Reagan said recently: "I watched the Republican National Convention on television and there, before my very eyes, I saw my Dad reborn; only this time he's a she."


Sarah Palin is no Ronald Reagan. But like him, she showed the ability to confound her critics last night, pick herself up from mistakes and move forward. Like Reagan, too, she's able to lift the spirits of a demoralized Republican base. Political scientist John Pitney noted that she even adapted Reagan's famous 1980 debate line when she said: "Say it ain't so, Joe. There you go again, pointing backwards."


Republicans clearly have something to look forward to as they watch Sarah Palin's future career.

-- John Fund

[THE Wall Street Journal's POLITICAL DIARY ONLINE]

"NICE TO MEET YOU. HEY, CAN I CALL YOU JOE?"

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Palin and Populism
The downside of appealing to Joe Six-Pack.
By PEGGY NOONAN



She killed. She had him at "Nice to meet you. Hey, can I call you Joe?"
She was the star. He was the second male lead, the good-natured best friend of the leading man. She was not petrified but peppy.

The whole debate was about Sarah Palin. She is not a person of thought but of action. Interviews are about thinking, about reflecting, marshaling data and integrating it into an answer. Debates are more active, more propelled—they are thrust and parry. They are for campaigners. She is a campaigner. Her syntax did not hold, but her magnetism did. At one point she literally winked at the nation.
As far as Mrs. Palin was concerned, Gwen Ifill was not there, and Joe Biden was not there. Sarah and the camera were there. This was classic "talk over the heads of the media straight to the people," and it is a long time since I've seen it done so well, though so transparently. There were moments when she seemed to be doing an infomercial pitch for charm in politics. But it was an effective infomercial.
Joe Biden seems to have walked in thinking that she was an idiot and that he only had to patiently wait for this fact to reveal itself. This was a miscalculation. He showed great forbearance. Too much forbearance. She said of his intentions on Iraq, "Your plan is a white flag of surrender." This deserved an indignant response, or at least a small bop on the head, from Mr. Biden, who has been for five years righter on Iraq than the Republican administration. He was instead mild.
The heart of her message was a complete populist pitch. "Joe Six-Pack" and "soccer moms" should unite to fight the tormentors who forced mortgages on us. She spoke of "Main Streeters like me." A question is at what point shiny, happy populism becomes cheerful manipulation.

Sarah Palin saved John McCain again Thursday night. She is the political equivalent of cardiac paddles: Clear! Zap! We've got a beat! She will re-electrify the base. More than that, an hour and a half of talking to America will take her to a new level of stardom. Watch her crowds this weekend. She's about to get jumpers, the old political name for people who are so excited to see you they start to jump.
Her triumph comes at an interesting time. The failure of the first bailout bill was an epic repudiation of the Washington leadership class by the American people. Two weeks ago the president of the United States, the speaker of the House, the secretary of the Treasury and the leadership of both parties in Congress came forward and announced that the economy was in crisis and a federal bill to solve it urgently needed. The powers were in agreement, the stars aligned, it was going to happen.
And then the phones began to ring, from one end of Capitol Hill to the other. And the message in those calls was, essentially: We don't trust you to fix the problem, we suspect you may have caused it. Go away.
It was an epic snub, aimed at both parties. And the bill tanked.
We have simply, as a nation, never had a moment like this, in which the American people voted such a stunning no-confidence in America's leaders in a time of real and present danger. The fate of the second bill is unclear as I write, but the fact that it has morphed from three pages to roughly 450, and is festooned with favors, will do nothing to allay public suspicions about the trustworthiness of Congress.
This, as a background, could not have helped Mr. Biden.
We have never seen an economic meltdown like this? We've never seen a presidential meltdown like this. George W. Bush's weakness is not all lame-duckship. In the last year of his presidency Ronald Reagan met with Mikhail Gorbachev in Moscow and helped change the world. In the penultimate year of his presidency, Bill Clinton sent U.S. troops, successfully, into Kosovo.
After the first bailout failed, Mr. Bush spoke like a man who was a mere commentator, not the leader in a crisis.
We witness here a great political lesson. When you are president, it matters—it really matters—that a majority of the people support and respect you. When you squander that affection, you lose more than mere popularity. You lose the ability to lead when your country is in crisis. This is a terrible loss, and a dangerous one, for the whole world is watching.
Young aides to Reagan used to grouse, late in his second term, that he had high popularity levels, that popularity was capital, and that he should spend it more freely on potential breakthroughs of this kind or that. But Reagan and the men around him were wiser. They spent when they had to and were otherwise prudent. (Is there a larger lesson here?) They were not daring when they didn't have to be. They knew presidential popularity is a jewel to be protected, and to be burnished when possible, because without it you can do nothing. Without the support and trust of the people you cannot move, cannot command. You are left, like Mr. Bush, talking to an empty room.
We saw this week, too, a turn in the McCain campaign's response to criticisms of Mrs. Palin. I find obnoxious the political game in which if you expressed doubts about the vice presidential nominee, or criticized her, you were treated as if you were knocking the real America—small towns, sound values. "It's time that normal Joe Six-Pack American is finally represented in the position of vice presidency," Mrs. Palin told talk-show host Hugh Hewitt. This left me trying to imagine Abe Lincoln saying he represents "backwoods types," or FDR announcing that the fading New York aristocracy deserves another moment in the sun. I'm not sure the McCain campaign is aware of it—it's possible they are—but this is subtly divisive. As for the dismissal of conservative critics of Mrs. Palin as "Georgetown cocktail party types" (that was Mr. McCain), well, my goodness. That is the authentic sound of the aggression, and phony populism, of the Bush White House. Good move. That ended well.
We must take happiness where we can. Tina Fey's Sarah Palin has become, in that old phrase, a national sensation, and Ms. Fey is becoming, with her show "30 Rock," and now the Palin impression, one of the great comic figures of her generation. Her work with Amy Poehler (as Katie Couric) in last weekend's spoof on "Saturday Night Live" was so astoundingly good—the hand gestures, the vocal tone and spirit—that it captured some of the actual heart of the Palin story. Ms. Poehler as Couric: "Mrs. Palin, are you aware that when cornered you become increasingly adorable?" Ms. Fey as Palin mugs, adorably.
To spoof someone well takes talent, but to utterly nail a political figure while not brutalizing him takes a real gift, and amounts almost to a public service. After all, to capture someone is a kind of tribute: it concedes he is real, vivid, worthy of note. We are not as a nation manufacturing trust all that well, or competence, or leadership. But some things we do well, and one is comedy. Ms. Fey plays characters who are sour, stressed and who, on "30 Rock," live in a world that is cynical, provisional and shallow. But to observe life so closely takes a kind of love.
[THE WALL STREET JOURNAL]

"DOGGONE-IT, SHE WINKED!" KATHRYN JEAN LOPEZ

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Doggone-it, She Winked!
Then Palin came to stay.
By Kathryn Jean Lopez
‘How long have I been at this?” Alaska governor Sarah Palin asked rhetorically
during the first and only vice-presidential debate of the season Thursday night in St. Louis.
“Like, five weeks?”
You betcha. And it has been an emotional five weeks. From refreshing surprise to low-down dirty rumors to confessions that shouldn’t have to be made to convention ecstasy to packed rallies to anticipated and contentious Gibson interview to anticipated and friendly Sean interview to Katie interview to worry to anger to disappointment to jitters to relief, satisfaction, and stealing some hope and change.
It’s been a long five weeks for Sarah Palin and everyone watching Sarah Palin. Which is everyone. From the moment she asked Joseph Biden, who’s been in the Senate since she was in the second grade, “Can I call you Joe?” she had won people over. Is that fair? Is that being patronizing to a chick? Not if that chick proves to be a pitbull with lipstick. And we’ve seen that more than once now.
And, she’s keeping the emotions on high. “The tone is going to bug them, former McCain campaign adviser Mike Murphy said on MSNBC after the debate. He was referring to her “brisk, rhetorical, often folksy manner” — that’s how Chris Matthews put it at the start of the post-debate Hardball. You’d think Matthews, who has a penchant for the colorful would appreciate the style. He did, compared to Rachel Maddow, on the same network, who angrily dismissed her “folksiness” as “frenetic” and “cartoonish.” One can’t help but think of that skit on Saturday Night Live a few weeks ago portraying a perplexed New York Times reporting staff, bewildered by these foreign people in the distant and puzzling land of Alaska, who hunt and pray — bitter gun-clingers, to put it in the language of the Chosen One.
In his column Friday, Washington Post columnist Dana Milbank wrote from St. Louis: “Palin, in her 90 minutes on the stage Thursday night, left the firm impression that she is indeed ready to lead the nation — with an unnerving mixture of platitudes and cute, folksy phrases that poured from her lips even when they bore no relation to the questions asked.”
If you go through the transcript of the debate, though, Biden didn’t answer all the questions either. He just sounded like a bloviating senator whose tie to the common man is an Amtrak train, while she is a can-do mom familiar with shuttling kids to hockey practice and worrying how to make ends meet.What is it about folksy phrases that have the folks excited about Palin? If my e-mail is any indication, many of them didn’t waiver in their hopes for Palin — certainly not near as much as some opinionmakers even on the Right. Some of that was genuine excitement about Palin — which became accentuated when the Left and its media reacted to her with hostility and even irrationality. And it’s not just on the Left. Even on the Right, there seems to be a reluctance to be comfortable with the way she talks, the words she uses.
Get used to it.
Analysts have asked if it’s appropriate for a vice-presidential candidate to “shout-out” to her brother’s class (he’s a teacher).Yes, it is. And expect more than me to think it’s odd to even question something so natural and good — for civics, for America. And while she had what some talking heads consider outbursts, Palin was “clear and concise” in her answers — which she hadn’t been in her dearth of interviews. She may not have demonstrated a depth of policy substance on a wide array of national-policy issues in those 90 minutes — as former senator Rick Santorum observed after the debate — but good instincts can take you a long way in that regard. Her “wiring,” as she put it during the Charlie Gibson interview, appears to be solid.
Still, even some Palin lovers told me on Thursday night that they were “relieved.” The “r” word was the most frequently heard both in my e-mail and at a Susan B. Anthony Fund fundraiser at the Rainbow Room at Rockefeller Center in New York City, a crowd mixed with D.C. and N.Y. metropolitan-area supporters making a Big Apple night of Sarah’s big event.One Connecticut pro-life activist explained that his young daughter had made a “Sarah rocks” sign for their minivan. In recent days, he was starting to feel “not as good” about the sign. No more. “Sarah rocks.”
Or, in the words of Chicago, the band named for the town whose senator has just met his match:
Right before my very eyes
I thought that you were only faking it
And right before my heart was taking it
Baby what a big surprise
Right before my very eyes
ohhohohhoh
Yesterday it seemed to me
my life was nothing more than wasted time
But here today you softly changed my mind
It wasn’t a “big” surprise for everyone, but the chorus is now in unison cheering “Barracuda” with all their heart — if not Heart, anymore. Jack Pitney has it right when he says elsewhere on National Review Online: “The more they sneer, the more they’ll fire up the Republican volunteers.” Just keep putting down shout-outs, and find time to practice saying “Mrs. Vice President.”And yes, she has — like Dick Cheney — read the Constitution. Isn’t that dangerous, Sen. Biden? She’ll see you in the Senate chamber. And, Joe? Call her Mrs. President there. If it gives you futureshock, so be it.
— Kathryn Jean Lopez is the editor of National Review Online.

BYRON YORK SAYS THAT SARAH PALIN WAS THE WINNER BY A WINK

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Sarah Palin, the Winner by a Wink
Team Obama tries to understand her performance.
By Byron York
St. Louis — In the hours before Sarah Palin and Joseph Biden took the stage here at Washington University, Barack Obama’s top advisers went out of their way to talk up Palin’s debating skills. “I expect that Gov. Palin is going to be very effective tonight,” chief strategist David Axelrod told reporters. “She’s been working hard at this.” David Plouffe, the campaign manager, upped the ante when he called Palin “one of the best debaters in American politics.” Maybe they were just trying to raise expectations, set about a millimeter off the ground after Palin’s interview with CBS’s Katie Couric. Maybe they really thought Palin would do well. In any event, their statements before the debate allowed them to stride into the Spin Room after the session and say, See? — I told you she was good.
“Everybody thinks I was joking about it,” Axelrod said after the debate ended. “I was not joking about it. Sarah Palin is a good performer.”No argument there. Despite a few weak moments, Palin delivered a strong and sure performance Thursday night. After enduring weeks of derision, Palin didn’t just beat the low expectations for her performance; she ran all over them.But how? Superior debating ability? Commanding logic? A winning manner? No, not at all. If you listened to Team Obama after the debate late Thursday, you learned Palin accomplished her impressive performance by . . . winking.“Don’t sell the American people short,” Axelrod told reporters after the debate. “I’m sure they liked Gov. Palin, but they need more than a wink and a smile.” Axelrod also said Biden gave people hope, “rather than offering them a wink and a smile.” And he added that, “The American people are asking for more — they want more than a wink and a nod and a smile.”A few minutes later, I talked to Bob Barnett, the Washington lawyer who has played key roles in past Democratic debate preparation and who this time represented the Obama campaign in negotiating ground rules between the two candidates. Barnett knows how to watch and evaluate a debate, so I asked him to critique Palin’s performance. “She played her tapes,” Barnett said, meaning that Palin repeated pre-planned statements. “She came in with ten things to say and six winks to perform, and she did them.”“Six winks?”“Yeah. Did you see? Six. I counted six.”“You were watching closely.”“Well, I was counting.”It’s probably safe to say that this was the first national debate in which one side explained that the other had done its best work by winking. By a few hours after the debate, the great wink issue had driven some commentators on the Left nearly to distraction. “The next person that winks at me, I’m not sure I’m going to be able to take it after tonight,” said MSNBC’s Rachel Maddow.Representatives of the McCain campaign had a different explanation for Palin’s performance. “Smart, tough, and together,” said Sen. Lindsey Graham, a key member of the McCain Posse. “I thought she understood where the country would go and articulated how the country would be different with McCain-Palin vs. Obama-Biden, and she had a personable nature that said, ‘I am different and new to Washington.’“I asked Graham whether the Palin on stage seemed different from the Palin of those CBS and ABC interviews. “Yeah,” he said. “I think she just hit her stride. I think over 90 minutes you can understand who the person is . . . she had a level of confidence and likeability, for lack of a better word, that shone tonight that you’ll never see in a 15-second sound bite.”Graham’s words brought up the complaint, going around in Republican circles, that the McCain campaign has mishandled Palin, keeping her under wraps except for those high-profile, old-fashioned broadcast network interviews. Insiders concede that there was something wrong in Camp Palin — a problem that was fixed, at least somewhat, by the intervention of top campaign officials as debate prep got underway. Now, everyone has signed on to the idea of letting Palin be Palin. “I think we ought to use her more,” Graham said. “I think one of the biggest mistakes we made was not to showcase her to the people.”Well, she is showcased now. From the very beginning, Palin came out strong in a way that overshadowed Biden. For example, if it is vitally important in this campaign for a candidate to convey the impression that he or she understands a typical family’s economic anxieties — well, Palin passed the test easily. She was solid throughout on taxes, and even though she pressed too hard on the issue of predatory lending, she also acknowledged the role that bad personal decisions have played in today’s financial mess. “Let’s do what our parents told us before we probably even got that first credit card,” Palin said. “Don’t live outside of our means.”For the first time in any extensive way, Palin also stressed her own experience “as a mayor and business owner and oil-and-gas regulator and then as a governor.” She talked at some length about energy, both her own record and that of Obama and Biden, and she spoke with real authority. Even when the subject was Darfur, she mentioned something she had done in Alaska.On foreign policy in general, Palin showed vast improvement over her performance in the network interviews. But it’s not her strong suit — can you name a governor other than Reagan who has been elected president for whom foreign policy was a strong suit? — and she had less command of the issues than did Biden. On the other hand, Biden, the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, used his long experience to make some points that were simply preposterous. For example, he continued to deny that Barack Obama had ever pledged to meet with Iran’s Mahmoud Ahmadinejad without preconditions. “This is simply not true about Barack Obama,” Biden said, pointing out that Ahmadinejad “does not control the security apparatus” in Iran. Just for the record, in a Democratic debate on July 23, 2007, Obama was asked whether he would be “willing to meet separately, without precondition, during the first year of your administration, in Washington or anywhere else, with the leaders of Iran, Syria, Venezuela, Cuba and North Korea, in order to bridge the gap that divides our countries?” Obama answered, “I would.” Any reasonable reading of that would say that Obama pledged to meet the leader of Iran — be it Ahmadinejad or someone else — without precondition. On another occasion, Obama said it specifically with reference to Ahmadinejad. So score some points for Palin even in her weak area. On the other hand, Palin delivered some answers that left viewers scratching their heads. On climate change, she said:
I’m not one to attribute every man — activity of man to the changes in the climate. There is something to be said also for man’s activities, but also for the cyclical temperature changes on our planet. But there are real changes going on in our climate. And I don’t want to argue about the causes, what I want to argue is, how are we going to get there to positively affect the impacts?
It was one of those answers that, if you were sympathetic to Palin, you said, “I understand what she means.” If you were unsympathetic to Palin, you said it was gibberish. Palin should also probably not have wandered into the question, explored by Dick Cheney and few others, of whether the vice president has the authority to play a greater role in the Senate than previously thought. But if you were looking for Palin to stumble — and Democrats wouldn’t have minded that one bit, despite all their pre-show praise of Palin’s debating skills — you just didn’t see it onstage Thursday night. Palin emerged from a couple of weeks of misguided Team McCain handling with her Palin-ness intact, and she showed it onstage when it counted.And that, for a lot of Republicans, was a deeply satisfying turn of events. “One of the reasons I feel so good for her, just as a human being,” said former Sen. Fred Thompson, “is I have never seen anybody undergo the ridicule, the slanders and the lies, and the blogosphere and what they’re doing, and breaking into her private e-mail, rumors and things about her, and now, most recently, belittling her, taking little snippets of interviews and laughing at her and satirizing her. Those people ought to be ashamed of themselves, if they’re capable of shame, because they’ve proven that what they were doing does not represent who she was and who she is. Thank goodness, just as she said, that this was an unfiltered event for an hour and a half. She could stand toe-to-toe with Joe Biden, who’s been around for all these many, many years, and basically take him to the woodshed.”—
Byron York, NATIONAL REVIEW’s White House correspondent, is the author of the book The Vast Left Wing Conspiracy: The Untold Story of How Democratic Operatives, Eccentric Billionaires, Liberal Activists, and Assorted Celebrities Tried to Bring Down a President — and Why They’ll Try Even Harder Next Time

MARK STEYN ON THE PALIN/BIDEN DEBATE

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Mark Steyn analyzed the Palin/Biden Debate on the
Hugh Hewitt Show early this morning.
Here is a transcript of Mark's analysis:

Mark Steyn's post-debate analysis, and why Sarah Palin works across America
Friday, October 03, 2008 at 12:34 AM
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HH: We begin, though, with Columnist To The World, Mark Steyn. Mark Steyn, what did you see? What do you think about tonight’s debate?
MS: Well, first of all, it was what I heard, because I heard the first part of the debate on radio. And I loved Sarah Palin’s voice. I think people underestimate, or the experts underestimate the appeal of someone who just talks in the cadences of the American people. And by contrast, you know, Joe Biden gave a very smooth and accomplished performance, but when he tried to do the Joe Six-Pack routine, when he said in that rather stilted way, he made a reference to “Home Depot”, “where I spend a lot of time,” it sounded incredibly stilted. American politics, in a way, is about the art of faking authenticity in the Biden school. And it doesn’t really quite know how to handle someone who is authentically authentic, which is what Governor Palin is.
HH: Now I wish to appeal to your great expertise on the world stage, Mark Steyn. Is Bosniac a term of art?
MS: No, no. There is a…Bosniac is a term that they do use over there. It is, in fact, a term for the Bosnian Muslims. Bosnia is divided between Serbs, Croats and so-called Bosnian Muslims. The country is actually called Bosnia-Herzegovina. And when the last time I was there, I was actually trying to find an actual Herzegovine, because apparently, there aren’t any.
HH: So we can’t blast Joe for getting that wrong? Because I’ve gotten a lot of e-mail about Bosniacs, and it’s actually a true ethnic group?
MS: No, it’s a correct term. It’s one of those sort of ostentatiously correct terms. He was trying to tout himself as Mr. Foreign Policy Experience. I don’t quite understand, by the way, his point. He tended to get lost in the weeds when he went off on those points, because obviously, he said oh, people told me that Serbs, Croats and Bosniacs couldn’t get together in one state. Well, that was actually what he said about Iraq, where he said Sunni, Shia and Kurds couldn’t get together in one state. Biden, you know, in fairness to him, Biden gave a, for him, an unusually smooth and accomplished performance. But in a strange way, the sort of glib and more ostentatiously expert it got, the more it made Sarah Palin seem appealing. It was almost as if you were watching two people playing completely different sports.
HH: You know, Mark Steyn, though, there’s one thing. I agree with that. There’s one thing that was reprehensible, though, the attack on Dick Cheney as the most dangerous vice president ever. In this time of war, after this man has worked so hard, I mean, you can disagree with the guy, but this Halliburton sinister crap makes me weary of these people.
MS: No, I mean, I think this is kind of ludicrous demagoguery. And I think it’s unhinged large elements of the Democratic Party base, which is why, I’m sure, Joe Biden feels obliged, he has to toss them a bit of red meat in that respect. I think it’s contemptible, and I would have liked it if Sarah Palin had sort of just giggled girlishly, or done that mischievous wink to the camera she did when she was talking about whatever it was, the third graders back in Wasilla.
HH: Right.
MS: I mean, I think a bit of outright mockery of this kind of…I always remember on some British debate years ago, some blowhard socialist went this is one of the most outrageous, disgusting and disgraceful and loathsome excuses for a human being I have ever met, and the other guy just looked into the camera and when ooh.
HH: The whole teacher thing was wonderful, talking about her grandmother, her father, her third grade teaching brother, and then the wink to the audience about the third graders. That’s the kind of stuff you can’t bottle.
MS: No, and you know, I wish we’d had a bit….I mean, the experts…I gather from some guy who was in the media tent at the debate, that all the working journalists were rolling their eyes, and they thought Biden won it. Well, we’ll see about that. I think Sarah Palin is like the Harry Truman-Calvin Coolidge figure. I go to Coolidge’s birthplace in Plymouth Notch, Vermont a lot, and it’s very unusual these days to have a political candidate so rooted genuinely in a sense of place, and an authentic small town experience. Someone like Barack Obama is like this 1-800 candidate. He’s this sort of Chicagoan, Hawaiian, Kenyan, Kansan, Indonesian mélange. And good luck to him for it. But by contrast, Sarah Palin is an extremely rooted vice presidential candidate that we don’t see in contemporary politics. I love her for it.
HH: Let’s get to the substance. Here is Joe Biden on Iran, cut number two.
JE: Iran getting a nuclear weapon would be very, very destabilizing. They are more than, they are not close to getting a nuclear weapon that’s able to be deployed.
HH: They are not close to getting a nuclear weapon that is able to be deployed. Mark Steyn, your reaction?
MS: Yeah, I don’t know why he, I don’t know why people take refuge in that. This idea that’s put out, again by experts that they are, you know, Iran is eight years away, ten years away, twelve years away from being able to blah, blah, blah. You know, it’ll be like it was with Pakistan. We’ll discover they’ve gone nuclear the morning after. And then we’ll wonder why all the big experts kept telling us that they were eight years and ten years away. Common sense tells you that if A.Q. Khan can basically, while living in the Netherlands, snaffle out all the nuclear secrets just from strolling by the relevant plants thirty years ago, that it hasn’t got any more difficult since then. And certainly, it hasn’t gotten any more difficult than it was during the days of the Manhattan Project. This kind of sort of phony expertise, where you ostentatiously announce that they’re ten, twelve, fourteen years and seven months from having anything deployable, I think, is ridiculous. And again, that’s something she should be winking to the audience and scoffing at.
HH: Here is where she does do a little bit of scoffing, cut number five in response to Joe Biden talking about how he voted to give Bush the authority to go to war, and implied he didn’t mean it. Here is Sarah Palin’s response:
SP: Oh, man, it’s so obvious that I’m a Washington outsider, and someone just not used to the way you guys operate, because here you voted for the war, and now you oppose the war. You’re one who says, you know, as so many politicians do, I was for it before I was against it, or vice versa. Americans are craving that straight talk, and just want to know hey, if you voted for it, tell us why you voted for it, and it was a war resolution. And you had supported John McCain’s military strategies pretty adamantly until this race, and you had opposed very adamantly Barack Obama’s military strategy, including cutting off funding for the troops, that attempt all through the primary. And I watched those debates, and so I remember what those were all about.
HH: Direct hit, Mark Steyn?
MS: Yeah, I think he lapsed into…that’s the trouble with smooth-talking Senate insiders, is they lapse into Senatese. And if you’re locked up in that hellhole, I mean, I spent whatever it was, six weeks in the United States Senate during the impeachment trial. I never want to see any of those guys again. I found it an entirely, the sort of purring air of self-congratulation made me want to vomit. But if you’ve spent thirty-five years in that environment, then explaining why a war resolution isn’t a war resolution, and in fact is just a vote to encourage the President to go back to the United Nations for another thirty-seven meetings, that makes perfect sense if you’re some blowhard Senator whose been sitting in that cozy little club for thirty-five years. But to Sarah Palin and to millions of Americans, it’s just Senate mumbo-jumbo, and she’s right to call him on it.
HH: Last question of substance here, Mark Steyn. Joe Biden said the surge won’t work, and the commander of our troops in Afghanistan says it won’t work, and Sarah Palin coolly says well you know, General McClellan didn’t really say that. I thought that worked for her as well, and I was kind of surprised that she was prepped for that.
MS: Yeah, I think that worked for her, too. I mean, Joe Biden was playing fast and loose with a lot of those assertions tonight. That said, he sounds like a conventional vice presidential figure. And there may be people who find the sort of, the glib faux expertise persuasive. The question is whether there are more people out there who just hear in, as I do, in Sarah Palin’s cadences the voice of America, and someone who is the only accomplished executive on the ticket who runs a vast and important state, and would genuinely bring something fresh to Washington. I mean, I love Sarah Palin because only the United States could produce a candidate like Sarah Palin. You can’t get moose-hunting beauty queens on national tickets in Germany or Belgium or France or those kinds of places.
HH: And who can rise to an occasion like she did tonight and perform as though it was the 30th one she’d been involved in. Mark Steyn, Columnist To The World, www.steynonline.com, thank you.
End of interview.

ANDY MARTIN ON OBAMA'S CAMPAIGN CASH

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CHICAGO)(October 2, 2008) Anti-Obama author and investigator Andy Martin will hold a Chicago news conference today, Thursday, October 2nd to announce that he has asked Attorney General Michael Mukasey, Chicago U. S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald and the Chicago FBI to open a criminal investigation into Senator Barack Obama’s nearly quarter billion dollar hoard of clandestine campaign cash.

Martin was the first to disclose the extensive financial relationships between Obama and convicted Chicago wheeler-dealer Tony Rezko. (read Obama: The Man Behind the Mask pp. 94-98 [see below])

Martin will also issue mild criticism of the campaign of Senator John McCain, for “once again failing to deliver a focused campaign and meaningful challenge to Obama’s financial shenanigans.” McCain is releasing the names of all of his campaign donors.

“Like almost everyone, I was paying scant attention to the minutiae of Barack Obama’s fund raising operation. I saw the ‘Gaza Strip’ contribution stories but assumed they were a tiny portion of Obama’s overall operation.

“I was smacked in the face by recent reports that Obama has raised almost a quarter of a billion dollars, almost $250 million, of clandestine campaign cash whose origins Obama has never disclosed. This amount is unbelievable and appears to reflect clear criminal intent to evade federal campaign contribution limitations.

“How does Obama think he can hide a quarter of a billion dollars by labeling the origins as ‘petty cash?’ Where are the mainstream media? Bothering Sarah Palin?

“I have asked General Mukasey, the Chicago U. S. Attorney and the FBI to open an investigation into the identities and sources of this secret cash. If the cash hoard is legal, we have a right to know. If the cash is tainted or even criminal, we also have a right to know, before the election, not afterwards. The American People should not have a ‘pig in a poke’ to vote for on November 4th.

Recent media reports focused my attention on Obama’s secret cash hoard:

http://www.spectator.org/dsp_article.asp?art_id=13981,
http://www.newsmax.com/timmerman/Obama_fundraising_illegal/2008/09/29/135718.html?s=al&promo_code=6BD9-1

“While we are opening our own investigation, we obviously don’t have the unlimited resources of the FBI or U. S. Attorney’s office. The origins and legality of Obama’s secret $250 million dollars mandates a governmental investigation.

"Obama, who began his campaign by claiming he would uphold the highest ethical standards, has created the seemingly most corrupt campaign fund-raising operation since Watergate. What is Obama hiding? Why won't he release the names of his contributors?

“If Obama has a scintilla of ethics and commitment to campaign transparence he should immediately release the names of all of his contributors. His relentless attempts to engage in secrecy—over his family history, his education and personal life—are once again apparent in Obama’s clandestine campaign cash whose origins he refuses to identify. Is the money coming from Islamic supporters? Kenya collaborators? African dictators? Middle East sources? The American people have a right to know where a quarter of a billion dollars is coming from. We aren’t talking chopped liver.

“Obama has received money from ‘names’ that are obvious fictions and represent a transparent attempt to criminally corrupt the campaign finance system. Who are ‘Good Will, Doodad Pro and NY Nando?’ There is overwhelming circumstantial evidence of a criminal conspiracy to violate federal campaign laws, certainly more than necessary to open a grand jury investigation. Obama has received an endorsement from Moammar Gadhafi. Is this who we want funding our campaigns? Is this the 2008 Democratic Party?

“I would be remiss if I did not mildly criticize Senator John McCain for his inept and ineffective campaign operation. Focusing attention on an opponent’s weaknesses or suspicious activities should be the role of McCain as a candidate. But, once again, in a misguided belief in his own apodictic qualifications, McCain refuses to tackle Obama and to take him on, mano a mano, over the origins of the clandestine cash.

“Why isn’t McCain screaming every day at every stop about Obama’s secret $250 million cash hoard? Why not? Senator McCain owes his supporters an explanation other than the mistaken belief McCain’s record is so well know he doesn’t have to confront Obama. McCain’s strategy is obviously faltering,” says Martin.

Martin will release copies of his DOJ/USA/FBI letters at his news conference.

NEWS CONFERENCE DETAILS:

WHO:

National anti-Obama leader and Author/Editor/Internet Columnist Andy Martin

WHAT:

National anti-Obama leader Andy Martin asks Chicago’s U. S. Attorney, FBI and Department of Justice to open investigation into Barack Obama’s “secret cash” hoard which is approaching a quarter of a billion dollars

WHERE:

Southeast corner of Huron and Wabash Streets, Chicago

WHEN: Thursday, October 2, 1:00 P. M.

MEDIA CONTACT: (866) 706-2639; CELL (917) 664-9329

TO PURCHASE BOOK: http://www.Amazon.com or http://www.OrangeStatePress.com

ANDY E-MAIL: AndyMart20@aol.com

Thursday, October 2, 2008

THE PARTY OF DEATH


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Archbishop Burke Laments "Party of Death"

Reflects on New Role in Vatican and Election-Year Politics


ROME, OCT. 2, 2008 http://www.Zenit.org

With a heavy heart, Archbishop Raymond Burke acknowledges that the
U.S. Democratic Party is quickly moving to become the "party of death."

The new head of the Supreme Court of the Apostolic Signature said this in an interview published Saturday by the Italian episcopal conference's daily newspaper Avvenire.

In this interview conducted by Gianni Cardinale, the archbishop, who was formerly the archbishop of St. Louis, comments on his move to Rome and his views of election-year politics in the United States.

Q: Briefly, what does the Apostolic Signature do?

Archbishop Burke: This dicastery must oversee the administration of justice in ecclesiastical tribunals around the world, so that the discipline of the Church is respected by all in a homogeneous and just way. Then we judge cases -- rare in truth --of appeal against decisions of the Rota. Finally we judge appeals against individual administrative acts confirmed by the other dicasteries of the Roman Curia.

Whoever, in fact, is held unjustly accused of an administrative act must first request the review of the author's act and, if the author refuses to review the matter, he can appeal to the author's hierarchical superior, namely, the competent dicastery of the Roman Curia, according to the matter in question.

If the appellant or the author regard the dicastery's response unjust, they can appeal to the Apostolic Signature which, in this area functions as a supreme court of appeal.

Q: You were saying that it is the competence of the Signature to oversee how the ecclesiastical tribunals administer justice. How do you assess the fact that those of the United States issue every year a higher number of marital annulments than that of all the other diocesan tribunals worldwide?

Archbishop Burke: This is a worrying fact. I say it as an American priest, as canonist and now as prefect of this Supreme Tribunal.

This disproportion has caused and continues to cause perplexity, also because of the evidently unbalanced relation between the number of decisions and that of the judges of the diocesan tribunals. This dicastery intervened more times to clarify the situation, which risks making one think that it is an "American way" to introduce surreptitiously a type of "Catholic divorce."

Q: As archbishop of St. Louis you were, not a few times, at the center of journalistic attention. There are those who even thought that your nomination was due to the fact that they wished to remove you from the diocese.

Archbishop Burke: I have too much respect for the Pope to believe that in order to move someone away from the diocese he would nominate him to a very sensitive dicastery like this one.

Q: It is a fact that you had some problems in St. Louis.

Archbishop Burke: Indeed, there was the issue of a parish, that of St. Stanislaw Kotska, which in practice had become Protestant.

Then the fact that, in a fundraising event, the Catholic Pediatric Hospital invited as the guest star singer Sheryl Crow, known for being a tenacious advocate of the right of procured abortion. And finally, the question of the so-called priestly ordination of two women, which even witnessed a nun among the promoters.

In all these cases I was compelled to intervene -- reluctantly, but I had to do it -- with disciplinary procedures to avoid scandalizing the faithful.

Q: But is St. Louis a particularly unfortunate diocese, or are these phenomena spread elsewhere?

Archbishop Burke: The issue of the parish to one side, which is a local one, the other issues are also spread elsewhere. For example, it should be noted that other so-called ordinations of women are planned in 50 other dioceses of the United States.

However, I must underline that at St. Louis I was not always struggling against the difficulties that were there. But I lived my episcopate with joy, seeking to favor the relationship with the clergy and seminarians. Because I think that the first duty of a good bishop is that of being close, to comfort and counsel his priests. The bishop cannot do anything without the priests. And I must say that this care was compensated by a good number of new vocations, thank God.

Q: You mentioned singer Sheryl Crow. You must have noted that she was invited to sing at the Democratic National Convention in Denver.

Archbishop Burke: To tell the truth, I paid no attention, but I must say that the news does not much surprise me.

At this point, the Democratic Party risks transforming itself definitively into a "party of death" due to its choices on bioethical issues, as Ramesh Ponnuru wrote in his book "The Party of Death: The Democrats, the Media, the Courts and the Disregard for Human Life."

And I say this with a heavy heart, because we all know that the Democrats were the party that helped our Catholic immigrant parents and grandparents to better integrate into and prosper in American society. But it's not the same anymore.

Nonetheless, there are among Democrats some pro-lifers, but they are, unfortunately, rare.

Q: As canonist and as bishop, it is said that you were against giving Communion to those Catholic politicians who show themselves obstinately and publicly in favor of the right of abortion, but your position was not taken up by the episcopal conference.

Archbishop Burke: Mine was not an isolated position. It was shared by Archbishop Charles J. Chaput of Denver [Colorado], by Bishop Peter J. Jugis of Charlotte [North Carolina], and by others. But it is true that the bishops' conference has not taken this position, leaving each bishop free to act as he believes is best. For my part, I always have maintained that there must be a united position in order to demonstrate the unity of the Church in facing this serious question.

Recently, I have noticed that other bishops are coming to this position. Above all, following some evidently poor statements on the part of the Speaker of the House, Nancy Pelosi, and of the Democratic candidate to vice president, Senator Joe Biden, who, while presenting themselves as good Catholics, have represented Church teaching on abortion in a false and tendentious manner.

Q: In 2004, then Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger wrote a letter to American bishops on this topic.

Archbishop Burke: It's true, but I don't know why it was never distributed. However, it was published by Vaticanist Sandro Magister on his Web site and also by the periodical "Origins."

In the latter, it is clear that the then prefect of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith supported the authentic interpretation of the Code of Canon Law, and that it is not licit to give holy Communion to one who is publicly and obstinately a sinner. And it is logical that one who publicly and obstinately acts in favor of procured abortion enters into this category.

Q: Did you ever wonder why the question of Communion to politicians favorable to abortion is an eminently American question without reflections in Europe?

Archbishop Burke: I don't know. I don't know if Catholic politicians in Europe are more coherent, although I have my doubts.

However, some time ago an American Protestant politician asked me if the Church had changed her doctrine regarding abortion. I replied no, obviously. He answered me: That's strange because in the American Congress many Catholics calmly support legislation that favors the right to abortion.

I am convinced that on this point the Church must always be very clear.

Q: But isn't there the risk that in this way the Church might show a side of itself that is grim and merciless?

Archbishop Burke: The merciful face of Our Lord Jesus Christ in the Church is always present in every priest who speaks with his faithful, counsels them and confesses them.

But also canon law, which always has the salvation of souls as its highest law, is a form of mercy. It helps to understand better what is good and what is evil.

Q: Excellency, you are noted also for being a bishop favorable to the motu propio with which the Pope has liberalized the use of the pre-conciliar Mass.

Archbishop Burke: True. I still recall the contentment with which the Holy Father presented this document beforehand to a restricted group of bishops, to which I was invited. With this courageous gesture, the Pope wished to confirm in the Church that the liturgy must be carried out in an organic way, without having to perceive traumatic breaks, something which, unfortunately, happened following the Council.

Personally, I find no difficulty or contradiction in celebrating Holy Mass according to the Novus Ordo and according to the so-called rite of St. Pius V. The motu propio "Summorum Pontificum" was a wise gesture that, I am certain, will bear good fruits in the Church.

Q: Your Excellency, but do not all these characteristics of yours risk giving you a profile of a hard conservative?

Archbishop Burke: Good things are always conserved. As regards being "hard," those who know me at least to some degree know that it does not correspond to my being.

[Translation by ZENIT]


WHEN IS A GOOD IDEA A BAD IDEA?

In the late evening of March 5, 1980, Rep. Fernand St. Germain, a Democrat from Rhode Island, inserted a rider into a banking bill that wound up costing taxpayers tens of billions of dollars in the S&L bailout.

Mr. Germain increased FDIC insurance on bank deposits to $100,000 from $40,000. The idea was to help sick thrifts, but voters eventually put an end to Mr. St. Germain's career amid revelations about his financial ties with S&L lobbyists. One of his partners in this midnight Treasury raid was then-Senator Alan Cranston of California, later tied to the Keating Five banking and lobbying scandal.

This seemingly innocuous deposit insurance hike by Congress exposed taxpayers to huge risk. It ended up incentivizing brokers to ship "hot" money in $100,000 chunks to whatever desperate thrift was paying the highest rate. When the savings and loan crisis hit in 1989, taxpayers were on the hook for $150 billion in losses. All of this is well documented in Robert Bartley's classic: The Seven Fat Years.


Now Congress is about to repeat that same mistake by raising the amount of deposit insurance by another 150% to $250,000. This again will more than double taxpayer losses when banks go belly up and create even less incentive for big money depositors to monitor the safety and soundness of the banks they patronize.

Raising the deposit insurance limit was an idea floated by me and other economists several weeks ago as an alternative to the $700 billion Paulson bailout plan. Now Congress wants to do the Paulson plan AND the increase in deposit insurance.

The idea behind raising the insurance limit is to start a reflow of dollars into bank deposits and away from U.S. Treasury securities, inducing banks to lend again and preventing a deep recession. But it will also be an invitation for troubled banks to started taking high-risk gambles in real estate and other ventures with taxpayer insured accounts. "Heads they win, tails the taxpayer loses," says Cato institute President Ed Crane. "Only Congress could think up a scheme like this."

In 1980, no one much noticed Freddie St. Germain's midnight raid on the Treasury. This time around Congress can't claim it didn't know what it was doing. Congress just took a $700 billion package and made it perhaps twice as expensive. They call this an improvement. Brilliant.

-- Stephen Moore











THE OVAL OFFICE IS NO PLACE FOR OBAMA'S NAIVETE

.....................................

A WELCOME MAT FOR AHMADINEJAD
By Jeff Jacoby
The Boston Globe
Wednesday, October 1, 2008
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s visit to the United States last week was everything he could have hoped for.
At the United Nations, the Iranian president delivered a speech laced with undiluted anti-Semitism, denouncing "people called Zionists" who dominate the world's "financial and monetary centers" and control "the political decision-making centers" in the West through "deceitful, complex, and furtive" means. His remarks were greeted not with jeers or stony silence, but with lusty applause from the delegates and a hug from the president of the General Assembly.
Miguel D'Escoto Brockmann Picture
Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann, president of the UN General Assembly,
hugs Mahmoud Ahmadinejad after the Iranian president’s address at
the United Nations on September 23. (Getty Images)
Then CNN provided the hatemongering head of state with another high-profile soapbox -- an interview with Larry King, who warmly shook the Iranian president's hand and tossed him a series of fatuous softballs: *Where in the US would you like to travel? Would you like to meet Sarah Palin, since you’re both former mayors? You don't wish the Jewish people any harm, do you?*
On Thursday, at New York’s Grand Hyatt Hotel, Ahmadinejad was the guest of honor at a dinner and "dialogue" hosted by several left-wing Christian organizations, including the American Friends Service Committee, the Mennonite Central Committee, and the World Council of Churches. The US Commission on International Religious Freedom had urged the organizers not to honor someone who "has manipulated such dialogues repeatedly into a platform for spreading hatred," and warned that lionizing Ahmadinejad would only "burnish the Iranian leader's legitimacy." To no avail. The dinner went ahead despite the protests, amid pious invocations of "engagement" and "discussion." Intoned Mark Graham of the American Friends Service Committee: "You can't just engage with people with whom you agree on all issues. That leads to a very myopic view of the world."
But the high point of Ahmadinejad's week must have been Friday night, after his return to Iran. That was when John McCain and Barack Obama met in Mississippi for their first debate, and Obama reiterated once again his determination to meet Ahmadinejad "without preconditions" if he is elected in November.
"We . . . have to, I believe, engage in tough direct diplomacy with Iran," Obama insisted. "And this is a major difference I have with Senator McCain. This notion -- by not talking to people we are punishing them -- has not worked."
Obama first adopted this stance in July 2007, when he was asked in a Democratic Party debate whether he would agree to meet the rulers of Iran, Syria, Venezuela, Cuba, and North Korea without preconditions and promptly answered: "I would." His website reinforces that message, promising "direct presidential diplomacy with Iran without preconditions." During Friday's debate, Obama claimed that even Henry Kissinger, a McCain adviser, "just said that we should meet with Iran -- guess what -- without precondition."
Obama was wrong about Kissinger, who rejected Obama's view in a statement after the debate. And he is wrong on the broader issue, for at least three reasons:
First, as McCain argued, an American president's unconditional willingness to negotiate with the head of an outlaw regime gives that regime "more credence in the world arena." The more Ahmadinejad and the mullahs who back him flout fundamental standards of civilized behavior -- by fomenting terrorism, by murdering US peacekeepers, by convening Holocaust-denial conferences, by threatening Israel's extermination -- the more they crave international legitimacy. “You’ll sit down across the table from them,” McCain told Obama, “and that will legitimize their illegal behavior.” Face-to-face talks with the US president can only enhance Ahmadinejad's stature at home and bolster his authority abroad.
Second, far from persuading international villains to end their barbaric behavior, presidential negotiations would embolden them to prolong it. After all, if such behavior can lead to a coveted presidential invitation, it stands to reason that even more rewards can be reaped from behaving even worse.
Third, no-strings-attached negotiations consume time -- an invaluable asset to a government like Iran's as it pursues a nuclear bomb. "After five years of negotiations with the Europeans," John Bolton wrote last May, "the only result is that Iran is five years closer to having nuclear weapons."
As a general rule, talking with critics and competitors makes sense, in diplomacy as in daily life. But Obama, like the UN delegates who applauded Ahmadinejad and the Christian groups that invited him to dinner, seems to believe that the welcome mat should always be out. That more dialogue is always called for. That no regime or head of state is ever so abhorrent as to deserve only ostracism. On the campaign trail, such naiveté is distressing. In the Oval Office, it would be alarming.
(Jeff Jacoby is a columnist for The Boston Globe.)

All of this inevitably raises the question: "Is Barack Hussein Obama a reincarnation of England's
Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain, who infamously met in face-to-face negotiations with
Adolf Hitler in Munich in 1938 and sold out the Czech Republic by giving Hitler the Sudetenland region of Czechoslovakia thereby enabling Hitler to take over the whole country in just a few short months. Neville Chamberlain returned from Munich to London and famously declared as he disembarked from the airplane: "I have achieved peace in our time."
The Second World War started one year later.